Authorities in Syria on May 19th, declared that they had stopped an attempt to smuggle four million tablets of the drug, Captagon, out of the country. According to Arab News via AFP, the interior ministry said that authorities had seized the drug, which had been concealed within industrial equipment, designed for making flour. This may not look too out of place to the many seizures of drugs that take place globally. But the presence of Captagon in Syria has a complex and politicized backstory.
The drug is a powerful stimulant that fuelled war in Syria and became a central feature of conflict economies in the Middle East. Originally developed in 1961 by German pharmaceutical company Degussa AG, Captagon is the trade name for fenethylline, once used for narcolepsy and depression.
Doctors initially preferred fenethylline over amphetamines due to its reportedly milder side effects. However, by the 1980s, authorities discovered its addictive potential, prompting the United Nations to ban it under the 1986 Convention on Psychotropic Substances.
Despite the ban, illicit Captagon production surged. Syria, in particular, became the global hub for counterfeit Captagon, where producers replaced fenethylline with intoxicating blends of amphetamines, caffeine, and other unknown stimulants.
Following the outbreak of Syria’s civil war in 2011, President Bashar al-Assad faced crippling international sanctions from the United States, European Union, and Arab League. In the face of economic collapse, Assad turned increasingly to Captagon as a financial lifeline. The regime capitalised on Syria’s strategic location to build a narco-state economy on the Captagon trade, accounting for an estimated 80% of the world’s supply. The drug was estimated to have a value of up to $57 billion to the regime. Assad relied on his inner circle, including his brother Maher al-Assad, who once commanded the elite Fourth Armored Division, to oversee large-scale drug manufacturing in government-controlled areas like Latakia and Homs.
If there ever was a perfect case for a narco-state, I think it was Syria
Captagon has become more than a drug; it functioned as a strategic asset for the Syrian regime. It helped fund Assad’s war machine, stabilise his economy under sanctions, and exert political pressure across the region. This transformation has had grave consequences, spreading instability, addiction, and corruption throughout the Middle East.
Foreign powers may now regret the unintended consequences of those sanctions. While intending to weaken Assad, they inadvertently drove him deeper into a narco-economy. Captagon not only propped up the regime but also destabilised neighbouring countries, fuelled addiction, and entrenched corruption across the region. Today, the drug stands as a lasting symbol of how policy miscalculations can inadvertently empower rogue governments through criminal enterprise.
Assad regime’s role
The Syrian Civil War, which erupted in 2011 following protests against Bashar al-Assad’s authoritarian rule, quickly descended into a brutal and complex conflict. What began as part of the wider Arab Spring soon escalated into full-scale war, involving government forces, rebel factions, Islamist extremists, and foreign powers. Assad’s regime responded to dissent with violent crackdowns, mass arrests, and indiscriminate bombings, including the use of chemical weapons. The war led to the deaths of over 500,000 people and displaced more than half of the country’s population, both internally and as refugees abroad.
As the conflict deepened, Assad faced growing international isolation. The United States, European Union, and others imposed extensive sanctions targeting the regime’s top officials, state institutions, and key industries such as oil, telecommunications, and banking. These sanctions, aimed at weakening Assad’s grip on power and curtailing human rights abuses, devastated the Syrian economy. Inflation soared, government revenues plummeted, and foreign investment evaporated. Unable to fund basic services or sustain his military campaign through traditional means, Assad chose to turn to criminal alternatives.
Estimates suggest the Captagon trade brought in billions annually, helping the regime fund military operations, pay loyalist forces, and keep state institutions afloat. The drug trade became a regime survival strategy, enabling Assad to bypass sanctions and finance his war effort through smuggling networks that operated across the Middle East. Thereafter, the drug became central to Syria’s war economy as both a battlefield drug and a financial lifeline.
State institutions have been thoroughly penetrated and corrupted by drug activities
Speaking before Assad’s fall from power, Michael Kenny, researcher of transnational drug trade, stated: “State institutions have been thoroughly penetrated and corrupted by drug activities. Significant elements of the Army, of the security apparatus, are directly involved in various aspects of the trade.” The inference from Kenny’s comment implies the sheer scale of the infusion between the Syrian political establishment and a coordinated drug trade. Arguably, this could take years or decades to unravel, and that is without mentioning the societal implications for Syria.
Th criminal economy enriched regime loyalists and ensured continued support during the war’s most volatile periods. Caroline Rose, a specialist in the Captagon trade, believes the stiff sanctions imposed by western powers on Syria created a “Zombie economy”, which only enhanced Assad. She added: “If there ever was a perfect case for a narco-state, I think it was Syria, because you had the state security and political apparatus defending Captagon production and putting out a public narrative that there wasn’t Captagon but then using the president’s brother, all its security apparatus.”
This speaks to the larger reality of international sanctions on rogue governments of nations and their long-term affects. Debatably, sanctions produce more unanticipated problems in future, since sanctions only cut one head and three more grow back.
Admittingly, it is hard to criticise the sanctioning countries, because what else are they to do in context of the brutal reign of Syria under Assad. It is excessive to suggest such countries should have predicted the serious effects of Captagon.
However, if you corner a dog do not be surprised if it acts unpredictably in a desperate effort to save its skin. Yes, it is always easier to make decisions with hindsight. Yet you do wonder if in 20 years the problem of Captagon has grown larger. Perhaps, politicians around the world would admit the unpredictability of Assad was overlooked, and that it should have been given greater thought.
Assad’s position as authoritarian ruler became only more entrenched since he was made to find new avenues of income. In the context of Syria, it makes you question the whole purpose of sanctions if the desired outcome is to weaken the enemy, not sustain the existing threat.
Recreational use and civilian access
Captagon gained popularity among combatants for its stimulant effects, which include heightened alertness, reduced fatigue and decreased hunger. Syrian soldiers reportedly consumed the drug to endure prolonged combat without sleep and to get a boost of energy. Allegedly, Assad intentionally allowed Captagon to filter into to his soldiers as a morale booster.
We would beat them, and they wouldn’t feel the pain
A Syrian drug control officer explained the effects of Captagon. The officer said: “We would beat them, and they wouldn’t feel the pain. Many of them would laugh while we were dealing them heavy blows.” He officer added: “we would leave the prisoners for about 48 hours without questioning them while the effects of Captagon wore off, and then interrogation would become easier.”
While Assad’s power stabilised due to Captagon, despite the external economic sanctions, it left the true impact to be felt on Syrian society. The widespread use of Captagon among Syrian soldiers has had profound social and psychological impacts, exacerbating the countries social collapse amid civil war.
This has contributed to a broader societal issue, with Captagon use spreading beyond military circles into civilian populations. Addiction became commonplace, leaving many fighters and citizens unable to functions without the drug. As frontlines dissolved and soldiers returned home, Captagon addiction spread like wildfire amongst a helpless population.
The drug became so addictive that soldiers went as far as to sell weapons or engage in criminal activities to fund their habits. Other reports suggest Women turned to prostitution to fund their Captagon usage. Ceesar Alsayed, head of an addiction treatment centre in Azaz city, told Al Majalla that “Captagon has a deep impact on society, and there is more available now due to our inability to control the borders between our area and regime-held areas. Drug-related crime is on the rise. An addict killed his brother, wife, and kids. Another killed his father, while an addicted girl committed suicide.”
Dr. Zaher Sahloul in Syria reported a rise in addiction-related illnesses and mental health crises, but public health responses remain severely ineffective because of little resources. Rehabilitation services are virtually non-existent, and stigma often prevents users from seeking help. Users are arrested or forced into informal treatment, further entrenching the problem.
In cities like Homs, Aleppo, and Damascus, Captagon began appearing among disillusioned youth, especially in areas devastated by war and economic hardship. With few jobs, constant trauma, and no access to mental health care, many young Syrians turned to Captagon as a means of coping. The drug’s low cost and availability made it especially attractive in poor communities.
The spread of Captagon into Syrian society reflects not only a public health emergency but also a deeper erosion of social cohesion. What began as a war-time tool to fuel the regime’s fighters evolved into a domestic crisis from which the proprietors benefitted. Creating a cyclical chain of pain affecting families, youth, and the country’s already fragile institutions. Without serious investment in addiction recovery, mental health and social rebuilding, the legacy of Captagon, and therefore Assad, will persist. Even with serious investment, the genie is out the bottle now, there’s a new normal for an entire generation. Its inescapable use reflects the complex interplay between warfare, addiction, state-sponsored illicit activities in the region, and the dangers of geo-political maneuvering.
Regional impact and crackdown
Furthermore, Captagon’s widespread proliferation did not stop its spread in Syria, but had a disrupting impact across the Middle East, particularly in Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Lebanon, and the United Arab Emirates. As Syria ramped up production, billions of pills began flooding regional markets, often disguised in legitimate cargo. Thereafter, Assad weaponised Captagon for geopolitical leverage. He allowed the drug to flood neighbouring countries, creating regional security challenges.
Saudi authorities intercepted record-breaking shipments hidden in pomegranate crates, furniture, and even religious items. In 2021 alone, Saudi customs officials regularly stopped millions worth of pills coming through their border, demonstrating the sheer scale of the trade.
Jordan faced increasing pressure along its northern border, where drug smugglers, often linked to pro-regime militias and protected by Syrian military units, became more heavily armed and violent. Clashes between Jordanian forces and traffickers have escalated into deadly skirmishes. In February of 2022, Jordan announced they had killed 30 smugglers of the drug and stopped 16 million Captagon pills from entering the country from Syria.
Yet, the regional crackdown has prompted closer cooperation between Arab states. The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), led by Saudi Arabia and the UAE, coordinated with Jordanian intelligence to track smuggling routes and dismantle trafficking networks.
However, diplomatic tensions remained. Lebanon, a key transit point, faced international scrutiny due to the suspected involvement of Hezbollah, an Assad ally, in facilitating Captagon exports.
Hezbollah were not the only ones to allow the trade to spread. Syria’s neighbours acted too late, and only acted once the problem was at their doorstep. They did not do enough until it began to affect them directly, and until then, the neighbouring countries turned a blind eye.
Rose assessed that Assad used his position as kingpin to leverage “for normalisations, and that the regime often explicitly acknowledged their connection to the Captagon trade.” In 2023, Assad was invited to the Arab League Summit to reopen diplomatic channels with Syria, partially in exchange for assurances that the regime would clamp down on drug production. But also, to allow Assad to resume legal trades hoping he would be less reliant on Captagon. But this was not the case due to his economic dependence on the drug, since there was evidence that Assad’s forces continued regardless.
“This was a strategy to garner a transactional deal between Gulf states and Damascus, to incentivize them to pay the regime in return for lessened Captagon flows. And that frustrated Gulf states because it really was not the way they wanted to start normalization discussions,” Rose added. Instead, the countries Assad tried to blackmail believed “he should be the actor accepting their demands, not the other way around.”
Ultimately, Captagon has evolved from a Syrian domestic issue into a regional security crisis. Arab states now view the drug trade not only as a public health emergency, but a wider problem now engulfing them all, a fire which should have been put out long ago or never allowed to spread in the first place.
Regardless of any efforts, the persistence of Captagon trafficking underscores the need for sustained regional cooperation and comprehensive strategies to address both the supply and demand aspects of the drug trade. The resilience of trafficking networks, even after the fall of the Assad regime, highlights the complexity of dismantling such entrenched illegal economies and the necessity for coordinated action.
International response
The international community has intensified efforts to dismantle Syria’s Captagon trade. Possibly recognising its role in perpetuating regional instability and sustaining the workings of Assad regime. The United Nations, European Union, and United States implemented targeted measures aimed at disrupting Syria’s drug economy.
The US Department of the Treasury, in coordination with the UK, imposed sanctions on individuals and entities involved in Captagon production and trafficking. The sanctions, which include asset freezes and travel bans, targeted members of the Assad family and associated businessmen. These measures aimed to disrupt the financial networks supporting the regime and curtail the illicit drug trade.
But notwithstanding these efforts and Assad’s fall, significant challenges persist. Enforcement remains difficult due to Syria’s fragmented sovereignty which is still recovering stability since the implementation of a new government and the entrenchment of drug production within state and militia structures. In other words, the rot rooted too deep and spread too wide. Without a post-conflict guiding framework in Syria, efforts to control the drug trade will remain disjointed and reactive.
In the future, a sustainable solution will require a stable Syria, robust regional coordination, and long-term investment in both enforcement and public health. Until then, Captagon will likely remain a potent driver of conflict and corruption.
Current state
The ousting of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in December 2024 marked a significant turning point in the nation’s history. The swift offensive led by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and allied groups culminated in Assad’s escape to Moscow, effectively ending over five decades of Assad family rule. In the aftermath, Syria’s new leadership, under President Ahmed al-Sharaa, has embarked on a path of reconstruction and reform, including the implementation of a 2025 Interim Constitution aimed at guiding the country through a five-year transitional period.
Since the regime’s collapse, HTS and the transitional government have actively dismantled Captagon production facilities. Notable operations include the capture of one million Captagon pills in Kafr Sousa and the seizure of large shipments in Latakia and Al-Sabboura. Another large quanity was found during a manufacturing plant raid on the Lebanon-Syria border. Authorities destroyed roughly 100 million pills. Despite ongoing crackdowns, experts caution that while large-scale production has diminished, the trade cannot be entirely eradicated.
While Syria can begin to heal, the decade’s worth of damage by Assad will take longer than five years to clear up. In regards to Captagon, even with the fall of Assad, the appetite for Captagon has not gone. The trade will likely shift. Rose said: “traffickers will seek out new transit and production sites with low risks … many of them closer to destination markets in the Gulf or ports that can easily access them.” As Assad enabled increasingly sophisticated supply chains, countries like Iraq, Turkey, Lebanon, Egypt, Libya, Kuwait and countries within the EU now face the fallout of the expanding Captagon trade.
We want to help Syrian people rebuild a new, include and peaceful Syria
Economically, the fall of Assad’s regime has led to the lifting of international sanctions. The European Union announced on May 20, 2025, that it would remove economic sanctions to support Syria’s recovery. The EU’s chief diplomat, Kaja Kallas wrote on X: “we want to help Syrian people rebuild a new, inclusive and peaceful Syria.” A decision that followed the US lifting sanctions after a meeting between President Donald Trump and President al-Sharaa.
The international community’s sanction strategy, is morally justified, but arguably played a role in shaping the very threat it sought to dismantle. By severing Assad’s access to legal trade and financial systems, foreign powers left the regime with few viable means of survival. What was once a pharmaceutical footnote has now become a regional scourge, propping up militias, fuelling cross-border violence, and embedding addiction deep within war-torn societies. Captagon is a stark reminder that pressure without foresight can drive authoritarian regimes into darker, more dangerous forms of survival. And that, in seeking to isolate a regime, the world has inadvertently fortified criminality.
The Guardian, BBC, Medical Daily, Al Majalla, New Lines Magazine, The Times of Israel, ABC News, AP, France 24, Washington Post, Reuters, El País, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Anadolu Ajansi, Al Jazeera, New Lines Institute, Asharq Al-Awsat, The New Arab, Talking Drugs, Syrian Dialogue Centre, Arab News, AFP, Bloomberg, The New Yorker, ABC, Center For Strategic and International Studies, The Washington Post, Asharq Al-Awsat, The Arab Weekly
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